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Mobocracy

In ancient Greece, oracles divined the will of the gods through examination of animal entrails, celestial phenomena and the changing shapes of flames of fire.  Highly skilled oracles knew how to frame their questions, and how then to shade interpretations, to provide directions that conformed to the leaders' ambitions.  Commands from the gods were passed on in story form, which was more entertaining, and also fixed them more firmly in the minds of listeners. Oracles were not above using the consultations to further their own personal ambitions and to increase their authority.  (Image: Temple at Delphi)

The institution of divination, and deference to oracles, diminished, and over time disappeared, as the Greeks discovered the extraordinary value of questioning,  deliberating and debating proposed courses of action with their leaders and among themselves. The Greeks discovered the ineffable worth and contribution of each citizen.  With this new-found trust in themselves came the concomitant acceptance of individual  responsibility as guardians of their freedoms. Western civilization was born, and began its march through history.

Matthew Robinson describes in his book, "Mobocracy," a rising,  regressive class of oracles in American political life. About thirty years ago, newspaper and television journalists and editors wearied of begging poll results from politicians who canvassed the public. CBS News and the New York Times partnered to fund their own polling organizations and soon other media organs followed suit. Initially there were only a few media polls a year, but currently, there are many hundreds during election cycles alone. Overnight polls are conducted following tragedies, such as the school shootings, in times of political upheaval as during the impeachment process, as well as whenever Congress is considering important legislation. 

As with the Greek oracles, skilled media pollsters are adept at framing questions in such a way as to push the voters to choose answers that support the journalists' own mostly Left-leaning political agenda. Robinson describes through many specific examples the tendency of  the mainstream media to first, slant news stories about an event, legislation, or a candidate to 
fix in the minds of voters the "right" view, then to conduct their polls with the questions slanted to obtain the "right" answers. The poll results then become the news stories, presented as the national public opinion, no further debate or discussion needed. 

Poll results are often used to bludgeon politicians and officials into taking precipitous action that would normally require, by law, long and thoughtful deliberation to consider the long-term impact of proposed programs, policies and the spending of public money, deliberations that address Constitutional requirements and the protection of individual freedoms. This deliberative period, as designed by the Founding Fathers, includes time for politicians to educate the public on issues and potential consequences of legislation. News "bites" and instant media polling short-circuits this process, leaving voters frustrated and without well-grounded information. 

The mainstream media and their pollsters have positioned themselves as middle-men divining American public opinion for the government and do so with little more basis in science than did the ancient Greek oracles examining sheep livers. In addition to the manipulated, sly wording of questions and answers, the pollsters' choice of population samples directly impact the poll results. For example, polling American "adults" has proven to draw mostly on Democratic or Left-leaning respondants; "registered voters" is somewhat preferable, but less than a third of this demographic interest themselves in their responsibilities as citizens;  "voters actually likely to vote" are the most alert and knowledgeable and should be the only population polled, according to Robinson. 

Media pollsters never reveal the high numbers of citizens who refuse to participate in their polls. Often the media hide poll results that do not conform to their own agenda. Seldom do they report the full list of questions asked with all  the possible answers, or which demographic group was polled. Such information would reveal the weaknesses and bias of the polls, and undermine the journalists' stories. 

Responsible academic and think tank pollsters are well aware of the limits of their profession and are quoted in the book. A key consideration for these pollsters is what the public actually knows and doesn't know.  Their questions are lengthy, varied and are asked over periods of time to probe the respondants' levels of knowledge and the firmness of their opinions. Commercial interests, companies considering new products or services, are vitally interested in whatever the reality is concerning citizens' preferences, as well as their uncertainties. 

Such considerations do not interest media pollsters. Their polls and the journalists' stories are deliberately slanted to produce a presentation, not of voters' knowledge, but rather of  their impressions. In fact, what the media poll results most clearly reveal is whether or not the journalists and talking heads have successfully gotten across to the public their interpretation of the news, their views of candidates, and their advocacy for  new programs and regulations. 

Robinson traces increasing voter apathy and ignorance with the rise of media polling and 'managed' reporting. The public appears to have largely given up on the struggle to obtain fact-based information on the activities of the government. As media polling and slanting of the news has increased, journalists have become more cynical, Americans' trust in government has declined, politicians spend less time explaining themselves and their programs to citizens, schools have  taught less and less of the basics of civics so that succeeding generations of voters have little clear knowledge of how our government works. 

The only positive sign Robinson sees is an embarrassment on the part of voters about their ignorance, which is often reflected in their eagerness to appear to know more than they do when answering poll questions. He says that responsible polling has shown that voters often get their first intimation of  important legislation before Congress when they read the poll questions. Robinson laments that it's a toss-up which is worse: the public's ignorance and apathy, or the media's arrogance in presuming to divine a "public opinion". 

If you wondered, during the Monica Lewinsky scandals and the impeachment process why so many Americans, according to the constant media polls, were focused on the lurid sexual activities of President Clinton, the answer, according to Robinson, is that they were not the focus of most Americans. Instead, responsible polling revealed that "likely voters" were 
conflicted throughout those months, deeply disturbed by the spectacle of our president flouting the rule of law and using government agencies to silence his accusers as well as those mandated by the law to investigate the charges. 

The media hammered the American public for its "puritanism" and "salaciousness", though it was the media and their pollsters who focused on the sexual details, diverting attention away from the horrendous undermining of the rule of law. There was not even a pretense of responsible polling or reporting. 

Nearly all of the media's hundreds of polls were of "adults" only, certainly not "likely voters" and not even "registered voters". The polls asked questions that distorted understanding of the Constitutional separation of powers. These polls ensured results supporting the media's position that a  Democratic president should not be held accountable for breaking the law the same as any other citizen. Robinson devotes a lengthy chapter to the machinations of the media during this period. The worst was their success in stampeding members of the U.S. Senate, both Democrats and Republicans, into cowardly abandonment of their sworn duty to the American people. 

The remedies that Robinson suggests for the media are unlikely to be taken seriously . He wants the media to decrease their reliance on polling for sensational, attention-getting news stories. He urges them to use more stringently disciplined methods when they do poll, and never to poll less than 1,000 "likely voters." Robinson says that, historically, reporting the news has never been "objective", and that newspaper, magazine and television journalists must honestly acknowledge their biases -- as do the conservative organs such as the National Review, the Washington Times and Fox News. But men and women who grasp for power, who relentlessly advocate for freedom-diminishing regulations, even to the extent of becoming, Robinson says, "mouthpieces" for the Democratic party, are unlikely to make these changes voluntarily. 

The men who fashioned our government were well aware of the natural propensity of any form of government to become a tyranny if not kept in check by its citizens. Our Founding Fathers wrote often that the success of this Great American Experiment relies utterly on an educated, informed and alert citizenry willing to supervise the government, politicians and officials. An ignorant, apathetic citizenry is actually a greater danger to America than even 
those foolish, ambitious persons who would thoughtlessly steal our freedoms merely to preen themselves in greater authority and notoriety. 

Noting that Americans lead busy lives, often with both parents working, and many having long commutes, Robinson acknowledges that most have little time to search out information on how government actually works, or on proposed government programs and their potential economic and social costs, or to learn more about candidates. That information is not made available in television news or in newspapers. But Robinson also notes that the internet makes this information easily accessible to Americans who take seriously their civic responsibilities 

Most of all, Robinson says that Americans must rediscover, and soon,  what the ancient Greeks learned....to appreciate their own vital importance and contributions to political life, and their power to influence government through questioning, debating and deliberating among themselves and directly with their government representatives. As Americans educate themselves, accept their civic responsibilities and virtuously pursue their duties as citizens, they are transformed from a mindless, superstitious, easily manipulated mob into the men and women who are, as the Founding Fathers believed them to be, capable of governing themselves. 

                                             -- Peggy Whitcomb

© 2002  Peggy Whitcomb


 
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