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a book review
A CONFLICT OF VISIONS
by Thomas Sowell
"Mad as the sea and wind when both contend."
-- Hamlet
"They're talking apples and
oranges!" is a familiar frustrated cry from bystanders listening to a furious
discussion. It means that while the two sides seem to be arguing
about the same thing, they probably aren't.
For example, when Democrats
in Congress denounce the "unacceptable costs" of President Bush's
tax cut proposal, the Democrats are stating their belief that government
would be
negligent in its duties if it allowed
a reduction in the flow of money to Washington -- money which the Democrats
confidently believe they spend wisely to create and fund important improvements
in our society
President Bush and his supporters
in Congress argue that tax cuts, leaving more money in the hands of those
who earn it, create -- through investments, savings and purchases -- capital
which creates more jobs, and ultimately a total increase in wealth. In
fact, conservatives have proven that tax cuts invariably increase the amount
of money flowing to Washington for Congress to spend.
If more U.S. dollars will
go to the politicians when taxes are reduced, why would the Democrats object?
Thomas Sowell's book
"A Conflict of Visions" goes a long way towards
unraveling such conundrums. He provides an explanation for
why liberals and conservatives often seem to talk at cross purposes with
each other, and why sometimes their proposals seem to be at cross purposes
with their own stated goals.
Sowell begins by defining
what he means by "vision." It is the "gut feeling," the "almost instinctive
sense of what things are and how they work", and fundamentally it is an
assumption about causes -- specifically, why do men behave as they do?
Sowell says: "We
all have visions. They are the silent
shapers of our thoughts."
"Visions may be moral, political,
economic, religious, or social. In these or other realms, we sacrifice
for our visions and sometimes, if need be, face ruin rather than betray
them. Where visions conflict, whole societies may be torn apart. Conflicts
of interests dominate the short run, but conflicts of visions dominate
history."
And Sowell adds: "We will
do almost anything for our visions, except think about them."
This book is an invitation to examine our personal visions, to tease out
those underlying the rhetoric of politicians and others who want our support,
and to become acquainted with the historical roots of two powerful, opposing
visions that struggle for dominance in our society
today.
In the late eighteenth century
two revolutions shook the world. The American colonies fought a conventional
war and successfully threw off British control, establishing a new nation
based on a Constitution that was the fullest formal expression ever devised
of the ancient vision of man as the innately imperfect, selfish author
of his own behavior. The new government made obeisance to the combined
wisdom of its citizens and hemmed itself about with checks and balances.
The French Revolution was
a brutal civil war that toppled their monarchy and established an aristocracy
of intellectuals who believed that men behaved badly only because they
were governed badly, not because they were by nature imperfect. A
rational, well-educated, well-
spoken elite would make laws that prescribed
appropriate behaviors and attitudes, eventually creating a heavenly society.
The expectation was that
under the correct leadership and guidance, and force when necessary, human
beings could throw off the shackles of the past, thus gradually freeing-up
their "true" nature -- unselfish, sacrificing their personal interests
for the benefit of others, thoughtful, generous, not ambitious for dominance,
not envious, never dissatisfied or cruel.
The intellectuals believed
that what got in the way of people's progress were the traditions, customs,
and institutions handed down through the centuries, including the incentives
men had devised to entice individuals into acting for the common good.
The intellectuals would lift the burden of those hindrances off the backs
of mankind.
In addition, the French intellectuals
believed that a government which is good, led by morally superior, disinterested
men sincerely devoted to the improvement of its citizens, needs no foolish
"checks and balances" because such a government would be benevolent, certainly
not
a danger. Citizens would accept this leadership
and the ordering of their daily lives for their own, ultimate, good, and
hopefully would do so voluntarily.
When liberal Democrats (the
heirs of the French intellectuals) use words such as fidelity, sincerity,
freedom, equality, justice, even power -- they mean very different things
than when they are used by conservative Republicans (heirs of the American
Federalists). When liberals talk about knowledge, they are referring to
what an elite of highly intelligent people have studied and grasped and
rationally, cleverly articulated.. For conservatives, knowledge is
the vast accumulated wisdom that has been handed down through the centuries,
usually not
articulated, or even thought about consciously,
but just "known", tested and retested against reality by vast numbers of
generations.
Who questions that marriage is the best possible basis of a family; or
that children are more likely to thrive within families with both a mother
and a father? Sowell reminds us that in power relationships,
such as between a parent and child, or between a doctor and his patient,
we forbid sexual activity. These are examples of the tested wisdom
of the ages, precisely the sort of knowledge rejected by the intellectuals.
They might eventually agree with these positions, but only after studying
them, and articulating their conclusions -- and perhaps only after the
failure of experimental arrangements they promote or prescribe.
Sowell warns that societies
are not laboratories, where the scientist can throw out an unsuccessful
batch and start over fresh. He says "...the biological continuity
of the human race means that experiments which fail cannot be begun over
again from scratch...We can never know what Germany would be like today
if there had been no Hitler, or how Western civilizaton would have developed
had there been no decline and fall of the Roman Empire."
But the French intellectuals
confidently experimented in France. They did fail, and often, leaving behind
them a trail of violence and death. Their vision inspired further
experimentation -- in Germany, Russia, and Italy, all of which failed but
long after their societies suffered horrendously. The intellectuals, however,
consider failure, whether mild or deadly, merely the opportunity for further
study, fine-tuning their theories, altering their methods of getting complaince
from 'the masses', ever-renewing their efforts toward releasing the perfection
they believe to be basic to man's nature.
The United States, a nation
as imperfect as man himself but with a system of government that takes
into account those imperfections and turns them to the good of society
as a whole, has not failed, but continues to thrive, and is today the most
successful nation on the Earth, economically and in terms of individual
freedoms. Freedoms, that is, as defined by those who believe
that man is constrained by his nature from ever achieving perfection.
Conservatives have a deep distrust of the elite intellectuals (as did the
founding fathers), not because of any disagreement about the presence of
ills in our society but because the remedies proposed by the intellectuals
require the transfer of a tremendous amount of power
into very few hands to accomplish. It
is no part of the belief system of conservativism that any man, regardless
of intellectual brilliance, is wiser than the collective wisdom of all
of society. In fact, for conservatives, an intellectual is no wiser
about what is best for society than an ordinary workingman.
When the Democrats demand
an increase in tax rates, even with the knowledge that tax cuts would increase
the amount of money going to Washington, their goal is not just money,
but also a willing acknowledgement from us that they are smarter about
spending our money than we are. That is actually a hefty transfer of personal
power. We need to pay close attention to what the liberals say, to test
their messages and the visions underlying them.
Hundreds of generations have
done the work of testing new visions, new theories, new ideas, and now
its our turn. Thomas Sowell's book is a useful resource for assisting
us in that process.
© 2003 Peggy Whitcomb |